Papers by Ronald Waterbury
Anthropology News, Oct 1, 1983
Thls section isprimariiy lor the use 01 AAAmembers, aithough contributions lrom others may be prr... more Thls section isprimariiy lor the use 01 AAAmembers, aithough contributions lrom others may be prrnted It they are considered of value. Correspondents are ~ urged to limlt lenglh: Iha Ediror reserves Ihe righf fo selecf and to edil Ielfers. A l l lefters musf be clearly marked lor Anthropology Newsletter Correspon dence, be typbd doublrspaced. not excwd 500 words In length. and consist 01 an orlglnil and two copier. Letterspublishedrellecr fhe views 01 the COP respondents: their publ!calion does no1 srgnify en. dorsemenl by the Anlhropology Newsietter or the American Anlhropoiogrcai Associalion.
American Anthropologist, Jun 1, 2001
American Ethnologist, May 1, 1989
... Intervillage Conflict in Oaxaca. PHILIP A. DENNIS. RONALD WATERBURY. Article first published ... more ... Intervillage Conflict in Oaxaca. PHILIP A. DENNIS. RONALD WATERBURY. Article first published online: 28 OCT 2009. ... Get PDF (222K). More content like this. Find more content: like this article. Find more content written by: RONALD WATERBURY. ...
American Ethnologist, Nov 1, 1985
... Las Culturas Populares en el Capitalismo. NÉSTOR GARCÍA CANCLINI. RONALD WATERBURY. Article f... more ... Las Culturas Populares en el Capitalismo. NÉSTOR GARCÍA CANCLINI. RONALD WATERBURY. Article first published online: 28 OCT 2009. ... Get PDF (220K). More content like this. Find more content: like this article. Find more content written by: RONALD WATERBURY. ...
The social studies, Apr 1, 1993
EJ471776 - World Studies at Queens College, CUNY.
University Microfilms International eBooks, 1969
Since pre-Columbian times the Indian communities in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico have been econom... more Since pre-Columbian times the Indian communities in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico have been economically and socially articulated by a system of periodic market places. In spite of the introduction of new modes of transportation and new commodities from the national economy, this traditional market system survives today as an ongoing institution. The hub of the system is the market place of Oaxaca City, a non-industrial provincial capital of about 90,000 inhabitants. Most studies of traditional market systems have stressed the peasant aspects; this analysis, however, focuses upon provincial urban factors. Marketing in contemporary Oaxaca City is delineated into two sectors: a modern sector comprised of the stores and shops owned by middle and upper class proprietors dealing in nationally manufactured items; and a traditional sector consisting of a multiplicity of small-scale peasant and lower class urban vendors selling agricultural produce, local craft goods, and some nationally manufactured hardware and dry goods. The City's traditional marketing sector is, in turn, subdivided into two interrelated dimensions: peasant and urban. The former refers to the periodic street market characterized by peasant producer-sellers and traders; the latter refers to the permanent marketplace comprised of a number of municipally owned public market buildings that house many urban-dwelling, full-time merchants. This dissertation describes the City's traditional market place, discusses the social structure and operating procedures of its small marketing businesses, delineates the marketeers' position as a group in the economic, social, and political structure of the City, and analyzes the responses of the traditional market system to the changing conditions of the urban environment in which it operates. The vending operations in the public market are undifferentiated family-business units, a high percentage of which are matrifocal. As a socio-economic set, market vendors are part of the lower class; but because of their importance to the City's economy (the population depends exclusively upon the traditional market for its supply of perishable foodstuffs, and 50% of the municipality's revenue derives from taxing the market vendors), they -- through their unions -- exercise considerable influence in both City and State politics. It is predicted that the traditional market system of the Valley of Oaxaca will continue for some time to come. The system of market places operates quite effectively and efficiently given the peasant mode of production and consumer buying power, and these appear not to be changing appreciably. In Oaxaca City the urban orientation of the permanent public marketeers is beginning to produce structural differentiation between the urban and peasant dimensions of the traditional market system. Nonetheless, the city's permanent public markets remain quite viable. In fact, the type of urbanization occurring in Oaxaca City (i.e., population growth, derived primarily from peasant immigration, without concurrent job-producing industrialization) is actually contributing to the expansion of the City's public markets rather than to their decline.
Comparative Studies in Society and History, Oct 1, 1975
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Oct 1, 1998
American Ethnologist, Aug 1, 1985
The social studies, Apr 1, 1993
University of Texas Press eBooks, Dec 31, 1976
Globalization and the Rural Poor in Latin America
Markets in Oaxaca, 1976
As part of a comprehensive study of a village economyi in which, • among other things, we are att... more As part of a comprehensive study of a village economyi in which, • among other things, we are attempting to explain household economic strategies by elucidating the socioeconomic conditions determining them, it became necessary to make a quantitatively precise analysis of occupations (here defined simply as ongoing remunerative activities). In other words, before you can explain why people do what they do, you have to know what they do and how many of them do it. This is by no means representative of nor a'plea for sophisticated statistical analysis, much of which in recent anthropological literature appears fo us to be more scientistic posturing than contribution to the knowledge of people. However, we do agree with an old Malinowskian dictum (without subscribing to all aspects of his particular brand of empiricism) that anthropologists should at least- .-count the countable. We do not attempt here to break' down all of ,the village's occupations-that must await publication of 'the major #ork-but rather we foctis upon the marketplace-oriented nnes. While village specialization is an often-noted *charaeteristi'd'oi the egional economy of the Valley of Oaxaca (and other regional peasant economies as well), the actual importance of the Specialty to a- .
Comparative Studies in Society and History, Oct 1, 1975
I Properly speaking this is not a work of history but a commentary upon it, based principally on ... more I Properly speaking this is not a work of history but a commentary upon it, based principally on secondary sources. For Morelos I have relied very heavily upon Womack's Zapata and the Mexican Revolution (1969). There is no monograph treating the Revolutionary period in Oaxaca that at all approaches the quality of Womack's work nor or other studies on Morelos and Zapata such as Maga6a (1934-41), Sotelo Incl&n (1943), er Taracena (1931). For Oaxaca's Revolutionary and pre-Revolutionary periods I have had to rely on the 'standard' works which leave something to be desired, particularly Iturribarria (1955) and Ramirez (1970). However, for the colonial period we are more fortunate in havittg William B. Taylor's book. Landlord and Peasant in Colonial Oaxaca (1972), Brian R. Hamnett's monograph on The Politics of Trade (1971),sms1 a paper by Whitecotton (1970). raged in and around Morelos destroying an estimated one-third of the state's population (Huizer, 1970: 394). The peasant guerrillas fought hard and tenaciously, usually against overwhelming odds, to resist successive attempts by the regimes of de la Barra, Madero, Huerta, and Carranza to eliminate, moderate or temporize their demands for agrarian reform (Womack, 1969). • By contrast, in Oaxaca there was no pre-Madero uprising, and after a period of scattered and abortive Maderista rebellions in 1911, nearly all the peasants of the Valley of Oaxaca and most of those in the mountains remained in their villages to pursue their everyday toil-as far as that was possible given the economic and political upheaval of revolutionary times. Furthermore, some Oaxaca peasants, principally from the mountains, were recruited into an ill-conceived and badly executed war for state sovereignty led by reactionary caudillos representing mining interests. In sum, while the peasants of Morelos fought and died for change, albeit a change back to a traditional community-oriented agrarian life, the Oaxaca peasants, for the most part, remained passive or joined the fight to defend the status quo, a status quo similar in many ways to what the Morelos peasants were striving to regain. To quote Wolf once more (1969 :xiii): 'The persistence of traditions needs explanation as much as change. It may be that people cleave to ancestral ways through general inertia, but it is more likely that there are good and sufficient reasons behind such persistence, much as there are good and sufficient reasons for cbange.' By analyzing the reactionary, or at best neutral, role of most Oaxaca peasants in comparison to the fervent revolutionary role of the peasants of Morelos we might be able to better understand the conditions under which peasants will or will not make the revolution. MORELOS The state of Morelos lies en the slopes just to the south of the Valley of Mexico. Cuernavaca, the capital, is only 75 kilometers from Mexico City. The region enjoys a well-watered moderate climate and its mountainQ•Js terrain is relieved by broad and fertile valleys, all of which permitted a relatively dense population of 36.6 persons per Km2 in 1910. The drama .ic events that occurred there give the impression of a much larger area than is actually the case. With its territory of 4,911 km2 Morelos is one of the smallest states in the Republic. In 1910 its total population was 179,574, of which 77.7 percent was rural. The urban dwellers were distributed am OP g a few small towns and the city of Cuernavaca, which itself had only 9,5.1.1 inhabitants. Ethnically, the population was predominantly mestizo, w;:li only about 9 percent of the people still speaking the one Indian language,
Traditional Market in a Provincial Urban Setting: Oaxaca, Mexico, 1969
Since pre-Columbian times the Indian communities in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico have been econom... more Since pre-Columbian times the Indian communities in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico have been economically and socially articulated by a system of periodic market places. In spite of the introduction of new modes of transportation and new commodities from the national economy, this traditional market system survives today as an ongoing institution. The hub of the system is the market place of Oaxaca City, a non-industrial provincial capital of about 90,000 inhabitants. Most studies of traditional market systems have stressed the peasant aspects; this analysis, however, focuses upon provincial urban factors.
Marketing in contemporary Oaxaca City is delineated into two sectors: a modern sector comprised of the stores and shops owned by middle and upper class proprietors dealing in nationally manufactured items; and a traditional sector consisting of a multiplicity of small-scale peasant and lower class urban vendors selling agricultural produce, local craft goods, and some nationally manufactured hardware and dry goods. The City's traditional marketing sector is, in turn, subdivided into two interrelated dimensions: peasant and urban. The former refers to the periodic street market characterized by peasant producer-sellers and traders; the latter refers to the permanent marketplace comprised of a number of municipally owned public market buildings that house many urban-dwelling, full-time merchants.
This dissertation describes the City's traditional market place, discusses the social structure and operating procedures of its small marketing businesses, delineates the marketeers' position as a group in the economic, social, and political structure of the City, and analyzes the responses of the traditional market system to the changing conditions of the urban environment in which it operates.
The vending operations in the public market are undifferentiated family-business units, a high percentage of which are matrifocal. As a socio-economic set, market vendors are part of the lower class; but because of their importance to the City's economy (the population depends exclusively upon the traditional market for its supply of perishable foodstuffs, and 50% of the municipality's revenue derives from taxing the market vendors), they -- through their unions -- exercise considerable influence in both City and State politics.
It is predicted that the traditional market system of the Valley of Oaxaca will continue for some time to come. The system of market places operates quite effectively and efficiently given the peasant mode of production and consumer buying power, and these appear not to be changing appreciably. In Oaxaca City the urban orientation of the permanent public marketeers is beginning to produce structural differentiation between the urban and peasant dimensions of the traditional market system. Nonetheless, the city's permanent public markets remain quite viable. In fact, the type of urbanization occurring in Oaxaca City (i.e., population growth, derived primarily from peasant immigration, without concurrent job-producing industrialization) is actually contributing to the expansion of the City's public markets rather than to their decline.
If you wander through the bustling Friday marketplace of Ocotklit In Mexico's Valley of Oaxaca, y... more If you wander through the bustling Friday marketplace of Ocotklit In Mexico's Valley of Oaxaca, you will see many women vendors seated on the ground next to their produce, occupying the Vine between clients by embroidering multioolored pansies, roses, end birds entwined in leafy brandies onto-anger-smudged swatches of doth. If you go farther afield, into any of the many villages of the district, you will encounter other women, sitting in doorways or under a mesquite tree in their patios, busily embroidering. Darla in the marketplace again, you may notice a number of women–cute at produce stands, others sitting under the portals of the buildings that surround the central square—receiving pieces of enit)toldered cloth from peasant women. After examining the embroiders work. these women hand back a small roll of money, another cut of cotton cloth, and several skeins of thread. What you have witnessed is but a small part of the extensive putting-out system that has grown up spontaneously over the last two decades in the Valley of Oaxaca, espedally In the Ocolliin branch of the valley. The end-products of the process sae the colorfully embroidered blouses or dresses of the type most people all Mexican wedding dresses. To those who know Mexican needlework. they are "San Antonin" dresses, after the community in which this particular style originated and in which the putting-out system is organized.'
9. In this final case, however, the cattle were doble proposito, or dual purpose (raised for beef... more 9. In this final case, however, the cattle were doble proposito, or dual purpose (raised for beef and milk production)-a Cebu-Holstein mix that gives less milk but • oduces high-quality beef and is well adapted to open rangeland. Consequently, a • nsiderable amount of the daily loss is ultimately made up by sale of these cattle. tin the summer of 1996. beef prices were also down, so we can only assume tha this_ farm would not recuperate all of its losses.
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Papers by Ronald Waterbury
Marketing in contemporary Oaxaca City is delineated into two sectors: a modern sector comprised of the stores and shops owned by middle and upper class proprietors dealing in nationally manufactured items; and a traditional sector consisting of a multiplicity of small-scale peasant and lower class urban vendors selling agricultural produce, local craft goods, and some nationally manufactured hardware and dry goods. The City's traditional marketing sector is, in turn, subdivided into two interrelated dimensions: peasant and urban. The former refers to the periodic street market characterized by peasant producer-sellers and traders; the latter refers to the permanent marketplace comprised of a number of municipally owned public market buildings that house many urban-dwelling, full-time merchants.
This dissertation describes the City's traditional market place, discusses the social structure and operating procedures of its small marketing businesses, delineates the marketeers' position as a group in the economic, social, and political structure of the City, and analyzes the responses of the traditional market system to the changing conditions of the urban environment in which it operates.
The vending operations in the public market are undifferentiated family-business units, a high percentage of which are matrifocal. As a socio-economic set, market vendors are part of the lower class; but because of their importance to the City's economy (the population depends exclusively upon the traditional market for its supply of perishable foodstuffs, and 50% of the municipality's revenue derives from taxing the market vendors), they -- through their unions -- exercise considerable influence in both City and State politics.
It is predicted that the traditional market system of the Valley of Oaxaca will continue for some time to come. The system of market places operates quite effectively and efficiently given the peasant mode of production and consumer buying power, and these appear not to be changing appreciably. In Oaxaca City the urban orientation of the permanent public marketeers is beginning to produce structural differentiation between the urban and peasant dimensions of the traditional market system. Nonetheless, the city's permanent public markets remain quite viable. In fact, the type of urbanization occurring in Oaxaca City (i.e., population growth, derived primarily from peasant immigration, without concurrent job-producing industrialization) is actually contributing to the expansion of the City's public markets rather than to their decline.
Marketing in contemporary Oaxaca City is delineated into two sectors: a modern sector comprised of the stores and shops owned by middle and upper class proprietors dealing in nationally manufactured items; and a traditional sector consisting of a multiplicity of small-scale peasant and lower class urban vendors selling agricultural produce, local craft goods, and some nationally manufactured hardware and dry goods. The City's traditional marketing sector is, in turn, subdivided into two interrelated dimensions: peasant and urban. The former refers to the periodic street market characterized by peasant producer-sellers and traders; the latter refers to the permanent marketplace comprised of a number of municipally owned public market buildings that house many urban-dwelling, full-time merchants.
This dissertation describes the City's traditional market place, discusses the social structure and operating procedures of its small marketing businesses, delineates the marketeers' position as a group in the economic, social, and political structure of the City, and analyzes the responses of the traditional market system to the changing conditions of the urban environment in which it operates.
The vending operations in the public market are undifferentiated family-business units, a high percentage of which are matrifocal. As a socio-economic set, market vendors are part of the lower class; but because of their importance to the City's economy (the population depends exclusively upon the traditional market for its supply of perishable foodstuffs, and 50% of the municipality's revenue derives from taxing the market vendors), they -- through their unions -- exercise considerable influence in both City and State politics.
It is predicted that the traditional market system of the Valley of Oaxaca will continue for some time to come. The system of market places operates quite effectively and efficiently given the peasant mode of production and consumer buying power, and these appear not to be changing appreciably. In Oaxaca City the urban orientation of the permanent public marketeers is beginning to produce structural differentiation between the urban and peasant dimensions of the traditional market system. Nonetheless, the city's permanent public markets remain quite viable. In fact, the type of urbanization occurring in Oaxaca City (i.e., population growth, derived primarily from peasant immigration, without concurrent job-producing industrialization) is actually contributing to the expansion of the City's public markets rather than to their decline.